India and Central Asian Republics: A Review of Economic and Strategic Partnership

Rahimullah, Dr. Pradeep S. Chauhan, Dr. Sushil Sharma

Research Scholar, University School of Management, Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra, Haryana, India

Professor, Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

Professor, University School of Management, Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra, Haryana, India

Abstract

With more than 8 billion metric tonnes of oil, gas, water, precious metals, and minerals and adjacent borders to Russia, China, Iran, and Afghanistan, as well as the quickest transit route from Asia to Europe, the Central Asian region has now come to be recognized as having geo- economic, geo-political, and geostrategic significance. It has become a focal point for intra- and transcontinental economic and trade links, with a wide market of millions of consumers. To confront emerging security and economic problems, the Central Asian Republics (CARs) establish bilateral strategic partnerships and cooperation arrangements at regional and international levels. It is significant because it has put India in comparison to China, another aspirant Asian superpower, which would intensify the struggle for resources and influence among established and growing powers. India has also been looking increasingly towards major interests, including development, infrastructure, energy security, combating terrorism, and trade and investment. By applying the Integrative Literature Review (ILR) method, the current paper looks into India’s economic and strategic partnership with Central Asia in light of this illustrated background, the new realities, and India’s future engagement.

 

Keywords

India, Central Asia, China, Geoeconomic, Geostrategic.

 

Introduction

Central Asian Republics (CARs) refers to a group of five landlocked countries also known as Central Asia or simply the Stans. It is a diverse and historically significant region, situated at the intersection of Asia, Europe, and the Middle East, in the heart of the Eurasian continent, and characterized by its vast and rugged landscapes. The region is landlocked and bordered by several influential countries: Afghanistan to the south, Iran to the southwest, Russia to the north, and China to the east. To the west, its borders are shared with the Caspian Sea; to the south, it is bound by the Indian subcontinent. The region is dominated by the immense expanse of the Eurasian Steppe, punctuated by mountain ranges such as the Tien Shan and Pamirs. Furthermore, on its eastern borders, the region is home to some of the globe’s major deserts, such as the Gobi, Kyzylkum, and Karakum.

Comprising five former Soviet republics and one nation that was under Chinese influence, the CARs are a fascinating and geopolitically important part of the world. These countries are Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan. They gained independence from the USSR in 1991 and have encountered several difficulties since gaining their independence, including building new political institutions, managing economic transitions, and addressing issues related to ethnic diversity and regional security. Even though each nation has developed along a different course, they are all connected historically and geographically as a strategically significant area in the center of Eurasia (Dowling & Wignaraja, 2007). The Central Asian Republics have emerged as a significant geopolitical and geoeconomic region due to their untapped hydrocarbon potential and energy resources. Consequently, regional and extra-regional actors are now involved in a new great game for managing and controlling the region’s energy resources (Pradhan, 2021a). Natural catastrophes, territorial conflicts, ethnic violence, drug trafficking, and extremism are some of the security issues the region faces, and their resolution calls for global collaboration (Iuniushkina et al., 2021). Massive global economies with vested interests in the area, such as India, China, and Japan, engage in both military and political partnerships with Central Asian nations (Борисовнa, 2021). With differing links to outside powers like “the European Union, Russia, China, and the United States,” the economies of Central Asia have undergone a shift from centrally planned to market-based systems (Pomfret, 2019). The region’s geostrategic

 

location and energy resources make it important for countries like “Pakistan, Iran, India, China, the US, and Russia.” In formulating policies for economic development and cooperation, the region must consider the dynamics of the modern geopolitical world (Ayaz Khan et al., 2017). India’s historical links to the Central Asian region were harmed when it lost direct overland access to the region via Afghanistan shortly after it split in 1947. However, through the Indo-Soviet Peace Treaty, Cooperation, and Friendship in 1971 and the subsequent improvement in relations between India and the Soviets, India was able to forge closer ties with the Central Asian Nations. India has become more strategically significant in this region throughout the 1990s, particularly over the last ten years. In the 1990s, Central Asia was viewed as a conduit for the Northern Alliance, the anti-Taliban coalition in Afghanistan. In the 1990s, Central Asia was viewed as a supply route for the Northern Alliance, the anti-Taliban coalition in Afghanistan (Mullen et al., 2014). India and Central Asia have been connected for millennia, at least since the third century BCE. The Silk Road, which connected the two, allowed for the exchange of ideas, philosophy, religion, and thought in addition to serving as a means of conveyance for commerce. The central region of the more than 2,000-year-old Silk Route, a vast network of commercial thoroughfares linking East and West, is Central Asia (Kothari, 2020). The relationship between “India and Central” Asia is rich in history, culture, politics, and economy, and it has grown stronger, more advanced, and changed over time. India’s proximity to and increasing convergence with the CARs has led to increased cooperation in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the evolving global order. On issues like energy security, connectivity and trade, development partnerships, economic development, regional issues of mutual interest, and each side’s geopolitical concerns about fresh challenges in Afghanistan, both sides have concurrently increased their communication and cooperation. They have also reiterated their dedication to building strong collaboration in solving new global issues, stressing the crucial importance of this, and reaffirmed their dedication to developing close coordination in addressing new global issues, stressing the crucial significance of building security, stability, and long-term shared economic success within the geopolitical architecture of India-Central Asian Republics (Manhas, 2022).

It is worth noting that the research objectives of this paper are accomplished by employing an appropriate literature review and discussion regarding the geo-economic and geostrategic aspects of Central Asian Republics, as well as Sino-Central Asian Collaboration, Sino-Indian

 

Competition   in    the   “Central   Asian   Region,”   and   Indian-Central           Asian     Republics Collaboration.

 

Review of Literature: Related Studies

Table 1: Literature Review

 

Scope	Discussions	References
China, India, Japan, and Central Asian Republics	The three main Asian economic powers— “China, India, and Japan”—are growing more interested in post-Soviet Central Asia. These nations’ relationships are based on equal partnership among independent states and mutually beneficial interests. Make a point of highlighting the competition between the emerging “centers of power” in the area, drawing comparisons to the conflicts between China, Pakistan, and India, and considering “the development of alternative infrastructure projects and concepts, such as QUAD, Indo-Pacific, Blue Dot  Network,  and  Shanghai  Cooperation Organization (SCO)”.	(Malysheva, 2021)
China, India, and Russia	By examining the historical relationship between “China, India, and Russia,” it investigates how these three countries are reacting to the “Belt and Road Initiative” collaboratively and competitively. The reasons for India’s provocation in “Dong Lang Village” and India’s belief that China is trying to subtly influence the associated countries’ “foreign policies” by giving them economic support are a violation of their sense of “national sovereignty and territorial integrity,” that China must look for a solution that benefits Russia and India as well, and that	(J.-L. Chen & Jung, 2019)

 

 

	there may be room for future cooperation between the three nations as a result of the recent three-party  talks  between  China,  India,  and Russia.
China and Central	China   values   Central   Asia   because             of          its	(Imomnazar,
Asia	strategic location as a gateway to the West, long-	2018)
	standing cultural ties, and abundance of natural
	resources, particularly hydrocarbon reserves. By
	bolstering “regional bilateral and multilateral
	mechanisms and structures of collaboration with
	China’s participation, the One Belt, One Road
	initiative seeks to establish a new paradigm for
	global cooperation and development in the spirit
	of the historic Silk Road.”
Central Asian	Throughout the twenty-five years since they	(Batsaikhan &
Republics	gained     independence,     the     Central                Asian	Dabrowski, 2017)
	Republics (CARs) have taken distinct routes to
	political and economic reconstruction. While
	Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are still converting
	to      market     economies,     Kazakhstan         and
	Kyrgyzstan have made significant progress in
	their market reform initiatives. An in-between
	scenario is Tajikistan. Following over ten years
	of growth driven by hydrocarbon booms, Central
	Asian nations are now dealing with a growing
	number of issues as a result of declining trade,
	falling    commodity    prices,    and               decreased
	remittances from migrants. Adopting a wide
	range of institutional, political, and economic
	reforms, as well as converting growth strategies
	based    on    commodities    to    market-oriented
	diversification,  represent  the  primary  policy

 

 

	challenges. The main obstacles to “political transformation and structural diversification in the five Central Asian economies” are deeply rooted institutional deficiencies in each country as well as external and internal geopolitical factors, particularly where economic governance intersects  with  weak  legal  frameworks  and autocratic political systems.
India and “the Central Asian Republics”	India’s place in “Central Asia and its policy efforts to meet the region’s energy and oil needs” has been analyzed to determine whether India has a foreign policy discourse toward the area and emphasizes how Central Asia’s unrealized hydrocarbon potential and prospects for discoveries have made the region a new political hotspot in the world. The competition for resources in the area has given rise to a new great game that many have come to refer to as the New Great Game. According to the report, India should engage Central Asia more aggressively to diversify its energy supplies and ensure that it has a safe supply of energy.	(Pradhan, 2021b)
India, the US, and Central Asia	To fully realize their strategic potential, India and the US should collaborate strategically to develop Central Asia. In Central Asia, China has outperformed India, securing the area as a vital resource base and platform for power projection. The report also discusses how the US withdrew from Afghanistan without achieving significant military or political gains, raising questions about the country’s military infrastructure and ties to Central and South Asian nations. The	(Muzalevsky, 2015)

 

 

	report offers suggestions for regional policies that the US and India should implement to support their success in Central Asia.
The “EU, US,	Central Asia’s role in the contemporary world	(Iuniushkina et al.,
Central Asia,	emphasizes    the    necessity    of                       international	2021)
Russia, and China”	cooperation to handle security issues like drug
	trafficking, natural disasters, ethnic violence,
	territorial   disputes,    and    the                   prevention of
	terrorism.  It  also  looks  at  the  relationship
	between   “China   and   Russia   in   post-Soviet
	Central   Asia,”    how    they    support               regional
	stability    and    economic    growth,    and                 how
	important it is to comprehend how the US and
	the EU function in the region.
India, Iran,	Nations   are   drawn   to   the   region’s                energy	(Ayaz Khan et al.,
Pakistan, China,	resources  to  access  them  and  The  shifting	2017)
the US, and Russia	balance  of  the  interests  of  several  nations,
	including China, Pakistan, Iran, India, the United
	States,  and  Russia,  shapes  the  complicated
	political   landscape   in   Central   Asia.                 “New
	strategic  policies  and  the  dynamics  of  the
	contemporary geopolitical world” must be taken
	into   account   when    formulating          policies   to
	achieve   economic   targets,   and   culture                and
	history    alone    cannot    improve               international
	cooperation.    Following    the                        September   11
	attacks, American propaganda was able to enter
	Central Asia directly and win the support of
	“China,  India,  Iran,  and  Russia.”  Still,  the
	construction of military bases in the area sparked
	concerns about Pakistan’s, China’s, Iran’s, and
	Russia’s territorial integrity.

 

 

Pakistan and India in Central Asia	Since the Central Asian Republics have an abundance of resources, including gas and oil, both Pakistan and India are interested in developing close ties with them. India and Pakistan are vying for influence in the region; India wants access to the liberalized Indian market and natural resources, while Pakistan has stronger fiscal and mercantile ties. The historical background of the area, including “the Great Game that the British and Russian empires played in the 19th and 20th centuries,” is also important to know when the economic and geopolitical aspects of the region are concerned.	(Adnan & Fatima, 2015)
Central Asia	Central Asia’s region is significant from a strategic standpoint because of its enormous energy reserves. The energy systems in the area need immediate reform because they are extremely unreliable and inefficient. However, efforts to reorganize the energy supply have been thwarted thus far by discrimination, corruption, and a strong centralization of power. The region falls under the sphere of influence of Russia and is situated along China’s New Silk Road, so the paper focuses on the influence of “geopolitics on the regulation of energy markets.”	(Wang, 2020)
Central Asian Republics and India	In Central Asia, energy security and its geopolitics are complementary; multiple pipeline routes, strategic bases, institutionalizing bargaining processes, and pursuing a multi- vectorial foreign policy by Central Asian states are important. India is also trying to establish closer  ties  with  Central  Asia  through  geo-	(Mohapatra, 2015)

 

 

	historical and strategic linkages, which will create a positive environment for flourishing energy relations between the two regions despite physical barriers.
Central Asia and regional powers	Central Asian states are grappling with internal issues like state fragmentation, terrorism, and extremism. The region’s geopolitical game, involving Russia, Iran, China, the US, Turkey, and Pakistan, is interconnected and influenced by geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geostrategic aspects. The region’s location and energy resources are significant, with pipeline politics and efforts to control those affecting global politics.	(Qamar & Zafar, 2014)
Central Asia, Russia, China, and India	The Sino-Russian strategic partnership in Central Asia, known as the “Shanghai Five, was established in 1996 by China, Russia, and neighboring Central Asian states.” The goal is to develop China’s western regions and promote “regional integration through the Eurasian Economic Community (EAEC) and collective security treaties.” China uses the Shanghai Forum to access energy resources, suppress Uighur separatism, and advance “one China.” Russia and India share concerns about Afghanistan and Central Asia, with India arguing the Shanghai Five framework promotes China- Russia rapprochement. China’s unethical business practices, such as promoting low- quality  goods  in  Kyrgyzstan,  are  deemed unethical.	(Bakshi, 2001)
SCO, India, and	The Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s (SCO)	(Bakshi, 2002)

 

 

Central Asia	primary mission is to work together to combat terrorism, extremism, and separatism. Before September 11, the SCO was viewed as a strong regional organization; however, in the wake of the significant events that transpired in and around Afghanistan after September 11, the SCO is now largely regarded as ineffective. By strengthening its numerous bilateral ties with the nations in the region, India should increase its influence. The USA wants to involve China, Russia, and India in the intricate geopolitical struggle taking place in inner Asia. It is believed that Uzbekistan’s decision to join the SCO is an indication of its intention to play between China and Russia within the organization.
Central Asia	Central Asia’s political culture, geography, and history hinder deepening regionalism. Protective integration, driven by “collective political solidarity with Russia and China,” drives Central Asian states’ engagement in broader organizations like “the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Community, and the Collective Security Treaty Organization.”	(Allison, 2008)
Central Asia	The link between Central Asian regionalism and patrimonialism was suggested, and because of the negative consequences of liberalization on the tacit vested interests of patrimonial leaders, economic regionalism has not been very successful in the area. However, security regionalism has been more effective because it supports  patrimonial  regimes,  even  though	(Collins, 2009)

 

 

	democracy suffers as a result, and the primary factor responsible for “the failure of regionalism in Central Asia” is the type of regime in place.
Post-communist countries	Political, economic, and social variables all play a role in the economic reform of post-communist nations. Important factors that influence economic reform include the degree of economic development, the extent of state intervention in the economy, and the degree of corruption. A strong civil society and a free press can help economic reform by promoting transparency and acting as a check on the authority of the government. Economic reform may also be influenced by external variables, such as membership in international organizations and foreign aid. The degree of public support for reform, the political will of leaders, the strength of institutions, and other variables all play a role in the success or failure of “economic reform in post-communist” nations.	(Fish, 1998)
Twenty-First Century Asia (EP21)	Propose the creation of an “Economic Partnership for Twenty-First Century Asia (EP21)” to promote economic integration and cooperation among Asian countries. Such a partnership would benefit the region by increasing trade, investment, and economic growth, and it also suggests that EP21 could serve as a platform for addressing regional challenges  such  as  climate  change,  energy security, and financial stability.	(Kapur & Lamba, 2016)
Central Asian Republics and	The    closer   collaboration   in    several          areas, including trade, energy, and security, between	(Baidarov, 2019)

 

 

India	“India and the Central Asian nations” is advantageous to both parties and aids in advancing stability and development in the region. By resolving obstacles like connectivity and infrastructure problems, deeper relations between “India and Central Asia” can be encouraged. The report underscores the significance of forging closer ties between “India and the Central Asian nations” to foster regional integration and advancement.
Central Asian Republics, China, and India	The strategic justification for China’s and India’s involvement in Central Asia, as well as the negotiations surrounding power projections in the region, are covered in the book review of “China and India in Central Asia: A New Great Game?” by Jean-François Huchet. It also looks at the historical contexts and contentious religious modernities in the area, as well as China’s and India’s economic initiatives in Afghanistan and the Caspian Sea. The book concludes that there is a mix of parallelism, competition, and cooperation between China and India in Central Asia and that their relative weight in the region varies. It also implies that these two rising powers are turning the region into a new “Great Game” and that their involvement will have an impact on the stability and growth of the region.	(Hasham, 2011)
India, China, South, and Central Asia	The current strategic rivalry and competition between China and India propose that it be viewed as a “New Great Game,” which has similarities to the 19th-century “Great Game	(Kenny, 2015)

 

 

	between Britain and Russia over control of South and Central Asia.” Drawing on a “long history of unsolvable territorial conflicts and diplomatic friction,” it is the case that the fundamental element of competition in both games is “mistrust of each other’s strategic intentions and ambitions.” If left unchecked, the “New Great Game” between China and India could spark conflict and have serious repercussions for both regional and even global stability.
Central Asia	Central Asia is a region of geopolitical importance due to its “strategic location and abundance of natural resources.” The region faces various security challenges, such as “terrorism, drug trafficking, and ethnic conflicts,” where the role of external actors such as “Russia, China, and the United States” in shaping the region’s security and stability is important. Regional cooperation and integration can help address these challenges and promote stability.	(Patnaik, 2019)
Central Asia and regional actors	Energy resources are important in determining the geopolitical environment of the area, and the demand for an all-encompassing strategy to manage these resources fairly and sustainably is significant to guarantee “stability and security in the region.” Communication and collaboration between the different parties involved in the energy sector in Central Asia are essential to avoid the possible dangers and difficulties—such as  political  instability,  social  and  economic inequality, and environmental degradation—that	(Arvanitopoulos, 1998)

 

 

	come with using Central Asia’s energy resources.
Central Asia,	Central Asia is a “region rich in natural gas and	(Mullerson, 2007)
Russia, and China	oil    resources”    and    of    great         geopolitical
	significance because of its location between
	China and Russia and proximity to possible
	hotspots like Afghanistan. The current issues and
	political decisions against a complex historical
	backdrop, Islam in Central Asia, regional human
	rights concerns, and Central Asia’s role in the
	war against terrorism, draw on their extensive
	involvement with the region.
Central Asian	Measures    the    impact    of    “foreign                    direct	(Barry, 2009)
Republics	investment (FDI)” into the natural gas industry
	of Central Asian nations, notably Turkmenistan,
	Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, using a computable
	general equilibrium model. The findings imply
	that because of gains in terms of trade and
	production     efficiency,     the     region                      would
	generally gain from foreign direct investment
	(FDI) in its natural gas sector. Nevertheless,
	“production and net exports in non-petroleum-
	related industries” would suffer as a result of this
	gain.

Research Gap

There are numerous research studies available that have covered the “geo-economic or geo- strategic” aspects of the partnership; however, this paper examines both the “geo-economic and geo-strategic” aspects of India’s partnership with the Central Asian Republics through a review of existing research studies.

Objectives of the Study

1. To review the geo-economic and geo-strategic partnership between India and the Central Asian Republics

 

2. To review the Indian-regional power competition among Central Asian Republics

 

Methodology of the Study

The integrative literature review (ILR) method is used in this study to compile the most pertinent research that is currently available. Researchers can go beyond the analysis and synthesis of primary research findings with the help of the integrative literature review (ILR), which provides new insights and distilled information about a given topic (Lubbe et al., 2020).

Analysis and Discussion

 

Central Asian Republics Geo-Economic and Geo-Strategic

Despite independence, Central Asian Republics (CARs) faced challenges due to a lack of international expertise, worsening politics, economics, and race, and changing geopolitical landscapes after the fall of the “Soviet Union” (Rakhimov, 2018). The issues of the “twenty- first century” necessitate a broader collaboration and partnership. The alignment of “national, regional, and global interests will shape the prospects of multilateral regional and international cooperation in Central Asia.” Future collaboration on Central Asian issues among “Central Asian nations, major powers, and international and regional organizations” could be justified by recommendations such as that it is critical for the long-term development of the Central Asian region’s institutional framework for regional cooperation and a focus on regional-specific initiatives such as “transboundary water sharing and other issues, and encouraging economic integration and collaboration” in a manner that makes it a vehicle for enhancing trade and economic links, promoting stability, and driving economic progress. On collaborative activities in Afghanistan and Central Asia, the OSCE, NATO, and EU must continue to work closely together with the CIS, SCO, Eurasian Economic Community, and OCST to solve a variety of security issues, such as ecological ones. The international community needs to collaborate and strengthen partnerships with Central Asian countries. Working with “Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Iran, the Central Asian republics, and other neighboring nations” is ideal, as is using various partnership mechanisms for Afghanistan (Rakhimov, 2010).

Sino-Central Asian Collaboration

China is one of Central Asia’s largest neighbors and places a high priority on the development of “bilateral and multilateral trade and economic relations with Central Asian Republics.” To

 

increase its economic influence in the area while preserving political support and a balance between competing political forces, it also maintains a close policy dialogue. The “Shanghai Five” was established in 1996 by the leaders of “Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan” to settle territorial disputes and reduce the number of army soldiers stationed along their borders. These nations and Uzbekistan formed the “Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in June 2001 in Shanghai.” The Shanghai Convention to combat terrorism, secession, and fundamentalism was established by a declaration that was signed by the presidents in attendance. Central Asian countries are more involved in the SCO’s possibility to advance infrastructure development, uphold regional stability, and forge alliances with both China and Russia than they are in the fact that China is the organization’s primary supporter, even though this is obvious. It was resolved to establish a secretariat at the “SCO summit” that took place in “St. Petersburg” in June 2002. A counterterrorism center in Tashkent was formally inaugurated during the SCO summit that was held there in June 2004 (Rakhimov, 2018). China may be able to restructure and fortify alliances with Central Asia through and via the BRI, changing the region’s economic potential. China and Central Asia have a long history of interaction, including trade, conflict, and intermarried couples. Furthermore, due to China’s deep internal economic reform and rise to prominence on the international scene, these ties are starting to undergo a broad and deep metamorphosis. This in-depth study expands theoretical knowledge of local development, regional cooperation, and globalization, as well as their connections outside of the emerging “China-Central Asia nexus.” It incorporates both traditional Chinese and Central Asian ideas (X. Chen & Fazilov, 2018).

Sino-Indian Competition in the Central Asian Region

India’s lessons in Central Asian Republics over the last few years show the “challenges of contending with China on energy concerns and with Russia on matters of regional security.” When compared to other significant players in the region, India has so far only been able to establish a tenuous foothold in Central Asia. Numerous analysts believe that India still needs to take strategic and long-lasting policy action to implement the goals outlined in its recent Connect Central Asia policy statement. Even after much discussion about India’s expanding role in Central Asia, it still only has a minor role and cannot compete with China or Russia (Campbell, 2013). India worked together with “regional partners to establish the India- Central Asia Business Council, which held its first meeting in February 2020.” The goal of

 

the council was to develop relations between “Indian business groups” and the “commerce chambers of states” in the area. Both sides are also establishing an “India-Central Asia Development Group,” to which Delhi will contribute technological know-how as well as money for regional development projects via its “EXIM Bank Lines of Credit and Buyers’ Credit Facilities.” Three significant infrastructure projects (INSTC, Chabahar, and the Ashgabat Agreement), in which India has played a significant role, are anticipated to support these trade and investment activities (Rowden, 2020). The “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI),” a tremendous multi-nation Eurasian expansion project that aims to hook up “China’s industrialized eastern seaboard” with European markets by passing via “Central Asia” and Russia through vastly expanded rail and road networks, has recently received a lot of attention. Additionally, a little less focus has been placed on other significant infrastructure initiatives in India, along with various other regional and global transportation initiatives taking place all over Asia (Rowden, 2020). The absence of a shared land border between India and any of the Central Asian states has posed a substantial challenge to developing and expanding alliances. Pakistan does not permit an efficient route to Afghanistan and Central Asia. China is thus the country of transition for the costly and time-consuming land trade. By signing a trilateral agreement for the restoration of “The Chabahar Port,” establishing the “International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC),” and joining the Ashgabat Agreement, India has significantly advanced toward improving connectivity. India’s membership in the “Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)” and the “Eurasian Economic Union (EEU)” guarantees the closing of this gap (Chauhan, 2022).

Indian-Central Asian Republics Collaboration

The 2012 Connect Central Asia (CAA) policy is an Indian comprehensive plan that emphasizes ties in politics, business, security, and culture. The Indian PM visited all five nations after the Connect Asia program was announced in 2012. India employs a significant amount of global influence through dancing, music, Bollywood, yoga, literature, and other arts. Young professionals are drawn to “India’s International Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC)” program for capacity building. Participation in trade shows and construction projects involving infrastructure (such as those involving rail, roads, highways, electricity transmission systems, nuclear power, etc.) is very possible. Greater involvement options are available in higher education, space, SME, power production, medicine, fabrics, and agriculture, in addition to petroleum, IT, and pharmaceuticals. SCO may act as the

 

project’s guarantor. During the Third Dialogue, India argued for an emphasis on the four Cs: commerce, capacity development, connectivity, and contacts (Chauhan, 2022). The Prime Minister of India (Narendra Modi) stressed the significance that India places on its historic ties with the nations of Central Asia, which make up its “Extended Neighborhood.” On the occasion of their independence’s 30th anniversary in 2021, he sent his congratulations to the ministers. He remembered his unforgettable trips to Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and the Kyrgyz Republic after visiting all of the Central Asian nations in 2015. Given the popularity of Indian movies, music, yoga, and other cultural practices in the region, the prime minister emphasized the importance of preserving ties between India and Central Asian nations on a cultural and interpersonal level. He also highlighted the potential for “deeper economic ties between India and Central Asia, along with the value of connectivity” in that regard (MEA | Statements: Press Releases, 2021). The analysis makes it evident that India’s strategic focus is on “establishing close ties with Central Asian nations along the energy and security vectors.” (Campbell, 2013).

Since the turn of the century, Central Asia has gained importance to India as a means of “ensuring stability in the region,” notably in the border areas between Pakistan and Afghanistan. One of the first countries to open a mission in Tashkent, which eventually became the capital of Uzbekistan, was India. India is one of just four countries with a military presence in Central Asia, and it has an airbase there that has been fully operational since 2006. The significance of the region for India has increased because it has expanded its energy sources by bringing in supplies from Central Asia. Development cooperation has been a significant part of “India’s relations with these countries,” even though all of them have per capita incomes that are higher than India’s. This short discusses the possibility and prospects for stronger relations between “India and the Central Asian nations, with a focus on India’s expansion partnerships” (Mullen et al., 2014). For New Delhi to establish itself as a geopolitical influence in the area, three challenges must be resolved. The first is to develop a geo-cultural platform for enhancing ties with Central Asia. It is abundantly obvious from the context that people in Central Asia have a positive attitude toward India. In this situation, “India can gradually assume a leading position in the geopolitical sphere in a place where China currently enjoys an edge.” Russia needs India in this way to act as a counterbalance to China in Central Asia. At the most recent 2+2 summit between “India and Russia, which was held during Putin’s visit in December 2021,” this theme was extensively discussed. Increasing connectivity with Central Asian nations is the second factor that may facilitate India’s access

 

to the “Central Asian region through the Chabahar port” in Iran. The recent Taliban seizure of Afghanistan as a key transit point presents some additional issues, but the Chabahar Port can still contribute to improving India’s connections with Central Asia. Numerous studies have shown a link between the INSTC project and Chabahar. Similarly, Bandar Abbas port and Ashgabat are said to be 1,695 kilometers apart in a 1995 study by the “Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific” titled “Land Transport Linkages from Central Asia to Sea Ports in the South and East,” while Tashkent, Almaty, Bishkek, and Tashkent are each 2,004 kilometers apart. Chabahar and Bandar Abbas are situated around 670 kilometers apart, which is comparable. This predicament can be overcome by constructing a road link between the two major ports as part of the Chabahar plan and linking it to the current path to Central Asia. According to this, despite US sanctions against Iran, the Biden Administration still allows “India to do trade through the Chabahar Port.” In light of this, it is possible to imagine a practical trading route with “Central Asia” via the port that India has been building over time (Mohapatra, 2022).

Access to energy resources is one of India’s biggest “long-term strategic goals in Central Asia.” Increasing India’s economic power and promoting regional integration are further goals. Three intricate elements, such as the war between “Iran and the United States,” Iran’s expanding economic links with “China, and the Taliban’s potential involvement in Afghanistan,” are, however, limiting India’s capacity to achieve these goals in the coming years (Rowden, 2020). It is expected that increased interaction will improve mutual security and regional economic growth. In terms of economics, Central Asia provides India’s industry with a “near abroad” market, land connections to Russia’s and the Middle East’s abundant resources, and “significant energy supplies at relatively close distances.” Both Suez and the Mediterranean Sea are shorter than the INSTC corridor route. It is anticipated that as competition for resources with China grows, the importance of this region will increase. In a covert allusion to the “debt spiral that China’s BRI represents, the Third Dialogue placed a strong emphasis on project transparency and accountability. “High-impact development projects (HICDPS)” for the socioeconomic growth of the area are the focus of India’s $1 billion line of credit, which was previously announced. Linkage among Indian states and Central Asia was introduced in the Third Dialogue as an extra component. It was recommended that these initiatives be supported by the “India-Central Asia Business Council, which was founded in 2020” (Chauhan, 2022).

 

Conclusion

India’s relations with Central Asian nations should consider geocultural and geostrategic factors. In addition to this, expanding bilateral trade and economic cooperation would undoubtedly deepen existing partnerships. (2022, Mohapatra). India’s ambitions to participate in the region have become more urgent as China’s “economic sway over the area” has increased. India’s 2012 policy declaration, “Connect Central Asia,” stated the country’s main objectives in the area, and one of India’s major “long-term strategic interests in Central Asia is access to energy resources.” Another is increasing Indian economic power and strengthening regional integration (Rowden, 2020). India seeks to gain access to “Central Asia’s uranium, natural gas, oil, and coal resources as part of its national energy security strategy.” India wants to dominate the Central Asian economy and limit Pakistan’s influence while out-competing China’s influence.

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